A Massacre and American Uprising: Wilmington, NC 1898 (Part 1)
“Negroism Defunct: The United White Men Lift Their State from the Depths of Political Degradation to Which She Had Been Sunk by the Negroes and Their So-Called White Allies.” The Semi-Weekly Messenger, Friday, November 11, 1898.
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Election of 1898
In 1898 many African-American voters were, of course, Republican at that time, as this was the party of Lincoln—the party that supported the Emancipation Proclamation and needed reforms during Reconstruction. All voters were, of course male, and most white conservatives in the South were in the Democratic Party. The idea of white supremacy also rested on the foundation that whites should rule over everybody else because they were best suited, for ridiculous and untrue reasons, to govern over other people.
In 1890, 11,324 people in Wilmington, NC were Black, while 8,731 were white. This meant that Black voters could wield a powerful influence in the city, if given the opportunity to vote in free and clear elections.
There was, however, a concerted effort, in the South, to remove African Americans from any progress they made after Reconstruction and Wilmington, NC was no different. White Democrats mounted a state-wide (and beyond) campaign to win the state in support of white supremacy and to get rid of any areas of Negro rule, especially in the eastern part of the state where Blacks were often large percentages of the population.
A Handbook for White Supremacy
In the Democratic Handbook of 1898, the State Democratic Executive Committee of North Carolina wrote:
“The condition of public affairs that confronts us calls for the most strenuous efforts on the part of all patriotic North Carolinians to restore good government to our beloved State….
….we do assert that in the administration of the school law of 1897, it has struck a serious blow at the popularity and efficiency of the common schools in many counties by placing negroes on the committees to supervise and run the white schools.
The Democratic Party in its last Convention has declared that, if returned to power, it will by appropriate legislation make it impossible for a negro to be put upon a white school committee.
When the Democratic Party came into power it found that in many of the counties and towns of the East heavy taxes had been levied and collected, and the money had been stolen or squandered. The Republican Party then, as now, was weighed down by the negro, and to appease him, counties and towns, then as now, were turned over to him to pillage and plunder. In many counties and towns in the East the county scrip was hawked about, and was really worth but little more than the worthless Republican State bonds. The credit of the counties and towns, like the credit of the State, was destroyed. Negro magistrates and negro officials then, as now,…
The reasons for this were very plain and simple. Under Republican rule many of these counties and towns were under the dominion of ignorant negroes and vicious white men, who were dependent upon the negroes for the places they held. Under Democratic rule these same counties and towns were under the control of honest, capable white men. The lawless element among the negroes and the whites also knew that honest, faithful, capable men were in charge of the local offices and there was a marked difference in their behavior. With this honest, faithful execution of the law came a feeling of security to life and to property, which did not and cannot exist under Republican rule. The blacks, as well as the whites, were vastly better off, and it is a crime against the negro as well as an outrage upon the white men to again turn those counties and towns over to Republican rule, for Republican rule in the East means negro rule; and negro rule is a curse to both races.”
A Planned Effort
Such was the state of affairs in Wilmington in 1898, as Wilmington was square in the crosshairs of this attack with a large number of Black voters and Black officials. Conservative whites and some others, felt that the city was in the control of Black men, or those who owed their offices to Black voters, thus overturning the rule of white supremacy, and governance, in the city.
What happened in Wilmington, NC was no mistake, it was a planned effort to regain control of the of the city’s government through any means necessary—immoral, legal or illegal.
Local businessmen formed secret, and not-so-secret, councils. Vigilante and militia groups organized in the days and months leading up to the election on November 8, 1898 (i.e., Red Shirts, White Government Unions, Wilmington Light Infantry, and more were organized by leading men in the city). Speeches and rallies were openly held throughout the area, in eastern North Carolina, calling for white governance and an end to “Negro rule”.
Even the Chamber of Commerce issued a declaration in support of white government rule for the supposed good of the city. The Semi-Weekly Messenger, on October 11, 1898 reported:
“The Chamber of Commerce Declares Against Negro Domination — Strong Resolutions for the Cause of White Government — The Political Situation a Menace to Peace and Order — Lives and Property Must Be Protected and Civilization Preserved”
The Deal
The threat of violence was so real and the push for white governance was so forceful that an agreement was made between white Democrats in New Hanover County (where Wilmington is located) and Republican officials in the county and the governor of North Carolina, who was a Republican at the time, Governor Daniel L. Russell.
The deal was that no Republican ticket would even be placed on the ballot for the entire county, that there would be no Negro nominees for any office (thus giving the conservative Democrats the election)—in exchange the Democrats would only nominate state democratic congressional candidates that were favorable and agreeable to Republicans in the county.
The idea was to give the white Democrats what they wanted to avoid a race war that would surely come if Blacks were on the county ballot and if Black and Republican voters were allowed to vote for the candidates they actually wanted. The newspapers openly talked about this unjust agreement.
The News and Observer, Oct. 31, 1898:
“There is little doubt that if a Republican ticket is brought out for county offices, the situation here will become more serious than ever. The Democrats, have carried out their part of the arrangement with the Governor by changing their candidates for the lower House of Legislature, and they are furious over the talk of a Negro county ticket.”
The concern was that Blacks would not submit to this unjust arrangement and would put forth a ticket with whatever power they had, anyway, but they were not able to do so.
The Paducah Daily Sun, “Bound to Vote”, November 3, 1898:
“The apparent lull in the (strained) situation here by the compromise of the republican party through the advice of Gov. Russell, was broken when it was announced that the Negroes would not submit to the dictation of the governor but would issue a ticket any way. A Negro, Charles G. Norwood, present register of deeds, is leading this bolt and the Negroes are turning to him in a body. They have endeavored to get a number of white men to accept nominations from them, but their efforts have proved fruitless. It is boldly asserted that any white man who dares to go on their ticket or sells them arms must die.”
Under Threat of Violence
The threat of death for everyone involved was very real and when election day came on November 8, 1898 the day was eerily quiet. There were armed men stationed in every polling area; they were stationed on every block and would escort white voters to the polls. The secret bands of businessmen and other organizations who helped to orchestrate events encouraged vigilantes and others not to engage in violence on that day because any disruption might invalidate the election and they already had, pretty much, everyone they wanted on the ticket.
Democrats who supported white governance won an overwhelming victory through intimidation and the suppression of Black voters, but the fight was not over—there were other offices in the city, such as mayor of the city and city aldermen, that were not on the ballot that day and the white Democrats wanted control of the entire city, not just part of it!
© 2020, Red and Black Ink, LLC and Danita Smith
NOTE: There was simply too much information to this story, the follow-up (part 2) will come out next week. Please share this with family and friends.
References:
1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission (LeRae Umfleet, Principal Researcher). 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Report. Research Branch, Office of Archives and History North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. May 31, 2006.
“Bound to Vote.” The Paducah Daily Sun. November 3, 1898.
Democratic Party (N.C.). State Executive Committee. The Democratic Hand Book. 1898. Prepared by the State Democratic Executive Committee of North Carolina. Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton, 1898.
https://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/dem1898/menu.html
“Negroism Defunct”. The Semi-Weekly Messenger. Friday, November 11, 1898.
“Race Riots and Shotgun Law in the Carolinas.” The San Francisco Call. Sunday, November 27, 1898.
Rev. Kirk, J. Allen (Pastor of the Central Baptist Church of Wilmington, N. C.). A Statement of Facts Concerning the Bloody Riot in Wilmington, N.C. Of Interest to Every Citizen of the United States. 1898 https://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/kirk/kirk.html https://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/kirk/menu.html
“The Chamber of Commerce Declares Against Negro Domination.” The Semi-Weekly Messenger. Tuesday, October 11, 1898. Page 3.
“The Negroes Kick: Will They Upset the Agreement in New Hanover? Situation May Grown More Serious.” The News and Observer, Oct. 31, 1898, Wilmington, NC.