Thurgood Marshall: His Most Famous Dissent

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, U.S. News & World Report Magazine Photograph Collection. O'Halloran, Thomas J., photographer, Date created: 1957 Sep. 17.

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, U.S. News & World Report Magazine Photograph Collection. LC-DIG-ppmsc-01271 O'Halloran, Thomas J., photographer, Date created: 1957 Sep. 17.

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Supreme Court Case: San Antonio Independent School District et. al, v. Rodriguez, Term: October 1972.

The Court today decides, in effect, that a State may constitutionally vary the quality of education which it offers its children in accordance with the amount of taxable wealth located in the school districts within which they reside. The majority's decision represents an abrupt departure from the mainstream of recent state and federal court decisions concerning the unconstitutionality of state educational financing schemes dependent upon taxable local wealth.  More unfortunately, though, the majority's holding can only be seen as a retreat from our historic commitment to equality of educational opportunity and as unsupportable acquiescence in a system which deprives children in their earliest years of the chance to reach their full potential as citizens. The Court does this despite the absence of any substantial justification for a scheme which arbitrarily channels educational resources in accordance with the fortuity of the amount of taxable wealth within each district. 

In my judgment, the right of every American to an equal start in life, so far as the provision of a state service as important as education is concerned, is far too vital to permit state discrimination on grounds as tenuous as those presented by this record. Nor can I accept the notion that it is sufficient to remit these appellees to the vagaries of the political process which, contrary to the majority's suggestion, has proved singularly unsuited to the task of providing a remedy for this discrimination.  I, for one, am unsatisfied with the hope of an ultimate “political” solution sometime in the indefinite future while, in the meantime, countless children unjustifiably receive inferior educations that "may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.” Brown v. Boardof Education, 347 U. S. 483, 494 (1954). 

I must therefore respectfully dissent. 

The Court acknowledges that “substantial interdistrict disparities in school expenditures” exist in Texas, ante, at 15, and that these disparities are “largely attributable to differences in the amounts of money collected through local property taxation,” ante, at 16. But instead of closely examining the seriousness of these disparities and the invidiousness of the Texas financing scheme, the Court undertakes an elaborate exploration of the efforts Texas has purportedly made to close the gaps between its districts in terms of levels of district wealth and resulting educational funding.  Yet, however praiseworthy Texas’ equalizing efforts, the issue in this case is not whether Texas is doing its best to ameliorate the worst features of a discriminatory scheme but, rather, whether the scheme itself is in fact unconstitutionally discriminatory in the face of the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection of the laws. When the Texas financing scheme is taken as a whole, I do not think it can be doubted that it produces a discriminatory impact on substantial numbers of the school- age children of the State of Texas. 

Funds to support public education in Texas are derived from three sources: local ad valorem property taxes; the. Federal Government; and the state government.  It is enlightening to consider these in order. 

Under Texas law, the only mechanism provided the local school district for raising new, unencumbered revenues is the power to tax property located within its boundaries.

At the same time, the Texas financing scheme effectively restricts the use of monies raised by local property taxation to the support of public education within the boundaries of the district in which they are raised, since any such taxes must be approved by a majority of the property-taxpaying voters of the district.

The significance of the local property tax element of the Texas financing scheme is apparent from the fact that it provides the funds to meet some 40% of the cost of public education for Texas as a whole.  Yet the amount of revenue that any particular Texas district can raise is dependent on two factors—its tax rate and its amount of taxable property. The first factor is determined by the property-taxpaying voters of the district.  But, regardless of the enthusiasm of the local voters for public education, the second factor—the taxable property wealth of the district—necessarily restricts the district's ability to raise funds to support public education.  Thus, even though the voters of two Texas districts may be willing to make the same tax effort, the results for the districts will be substantially different if one is property rich while the other is property poor. The necessary effect of the Texas local property tax is, in short, to favor property-rich districts and to disfavor property-poor ones…..

It is clear, moreover, that the disparity of per-pupil revenues cannot be dismissed as the result of lack of local effort—that is, lower tax rates—by property-poor districts. To the contrary, the data presented below indicate that the poorest districts tend to have the highest tax rates and the richest districts tend to have the lowest tax rates. Yet, despite the apparent extra effort being made by the poorest districts, they are unable even to begin to match the richest districts in terms of the production of local revenues.  For example, the 10 richest districts studied by Professor Berke were able to produce $585 per pupil with an equalized tax rate of 31 cents on $100 of equalized valuation, but the four poorest districts studied, with an equalized rate of 70 cents on $100 of equalized valuation, were able to produce only $60 per pupil. Without more, this state-imposed system of educational funding presents a serious picture of widely varying treatment of Texas school districts, and thereby of Texas schoolchildren, in terms of the amount of funds available for public education.

We sit, however, not to resolve disputes over educational theory but to enforce our Constitution.  It is an inescapable fact that if one district has more funds available per pupil than another district, the former will have greater choice in educational planning than will the latter.  In this regard, I believe the question of discrimination in educational quality must be deemed to be an object that looks to what the State provides its children, not to what the children are able to do with what they receive.  That a child forced to attend an underfunded school with poorer physical facilities, less experienced teachers, larger classes and a narrower range of courses than a school with substantially more funds—and thus with greater choice in educational planning—may nevertheless excel is to the credit of the child, not the State.

Indeed who can ever measure for such a child the opportunities lost and the talents wasted for want of a broader, more enriched education?  Discrimination in the opportunity to learn that is afforded a child must be our standard.

Reference:

Supreme Court of the United States.  San Antonio Independent School District et. al, v. Rodriguez.  October Term, 1972.  Justice Thurgood Marshall, Dissenting.

Photo:

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, U.S. News & World Report Magazine Photograph Collection. LC-DIG-ppmsc-01271 O'Halloran, Thomas J., photographer, Date created: 1957 Sep. 17.

Danita Smith